Assam, one of the states of North Eastern part of India, lies between
twenty-fourth and twenty-eighth degrees of north latitudes and eighty-
ninth and ninety-sixth degrees of east latitude. Criss-crossed with
hills and dales, rivers and rivulets, the state is surrounded by Bhutan
and Arunachal Pradesh in the north, Nagaland, Manipur and part of
Arunachal Pradesh on the east, Mizoram, Tripura, Meghalaya and Bangladesh
on the South and West Bengal on the West. Spreading over an area of
78,438 sq. km. which constitute 2.39 per cent of the total land area
of India and with a total of 26,655,528 souls according to 2001 census,
the state is a complex mosaic of multicultural, multilingual and multiracial
mix of population.
Although geography has imposed a formidable barrier on her contact
with the rest of the world, people of diverse ethnic and cultural
background entered into this region in different successive waves
at various times through the passes and the river routes.
History says that the region, known as Pragjyotishpur or Kamrupa in
the earlier epic period, was ruled by several dynasties viz, the Varman
(436-648 A.D.), Sala Stambha (664-780 A.D.) Pralambha (800-1000 A.D)
and Pala (1000-1048 A.D.) dynasties (Chatterjee, 1951:91). The local
dynasties, however, had contact with the Hindu states of India. In
the first half of seventh century, Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsang came
to India. When he visited the Nalanda Monastery in Magadha, or South
Bihar to study “the profound law of Buddha”, Kumar Bhaskar Varman,
the then king of Kamrupa, invited him to his capital. After his visit
Hiuen Tsang described the land and people of Assam with all praise.
He wrote: “The present king belongs to the old line of Narayan Deb.
He is the Brahman Caste. His name is Bhaskara Varman, his title, Kumar.
From the time that his family seized the land and assumed the Government,
there have elapsed a thousand generations. The king is fond of learning
and the people are so likewise in imitation on him. Men of high talent
from distant regions, seeking after office visit his dominions”. (Gait,
1997:23)
By the twelfth century local kings of the Brahmaputra valley who were
of Mongoloid origin became Hindus. To quote Gait (1997:30) :
“It is claimed by the scribes of this dynasty that they were descended
from Narak and Bhagadatta, but in the copper plate inscriptions of
the Pala kings, who in their turn put forward the same claim, they
are referred to as Mlechchas, or non-Hindus. The explanation doubtless
is that both dynasties were of aboriginal origin and that, when they
raise to power, they were converted to Hinduism and fitted out with
a noble ancestry by the Brahmans, who have always been adepts in procuring
for themselves protection, favour and power by inducing the aboriginal
chiefs to enter the fold of Hinduism on the fiction that they are
descended from some god of the Hindu pantheon or some potentate in
Hindu Mythology. In more recent times the Rajas of Rani and Dimarua
have in this way been connected with the dynasty of Bhagadatta, and
the Koch, Kachari and Manipuri Rajas have also been provided by their
priests with divine or a heroic lineage”.
In the caste-based Hindu social order, thus emerged, the Mongoloid
rulers such as the Koch kings in the lower Assam region made a significant
contribution in forming the Assamese Hindu society (Bhagabati, 1992).
In the thirteen century the Ahoms, a Shan tribe of upper Burma migrated
to Assam and ruled it for nearly 600 years from 1228 to 1826 A.D.
The Ahoms have not only managed to forget their language and have
accepted Assamese as their mother tongue, but have fully integrated
into the Hindu socio-economic order (Chatterjee, 1970:10). There are
other local Mongoloid groups like the Sonowal Kachari, the Chutia,
and the Pati-Rabha who have also accepted Assamese as their mother
tongue. At the same time the Bodo Kachari, the Rabha, the Mishing,
the Deori, the Karbi, the Tiwa, the Dimasa, the Itonia, the Phakial,
the Turung, the Khampti and many others speak their own language.
(Goswami, 1992).
Assam came into contact with the Muslims for the first time in the
early part of thirteenth century when Muhammad Bin Bakhtiyar Khiliji,
a Muslim General of Kutubuddin led a Turkish army to this region.
This was followed by several Muslim invasions and each time a few
Muslim soldiers preferred to stay in Assam instead of going back with
their defeated commanders. In the middle of the seventeenth century,
Azan Fakir, a Muslims saint came to Assam who promoted and stabilized
Islam in Assam.
The Ahom monarchy started declining from the middle of the eighteenth
century. “The throne was occupied by a number of weak but unscrupulous
rulers whose only ambition was the preservation of their own lives
and power regardless of the interests of the state. The court became
hot-bed of intrigues and conspiracies and this was followed by political
assassinations and insurrections”. Barpujari, 1999:2)
Taking advantage of the situation, the Burmese entered Assam in 1819
and unleashed a region of terror leading to destabilization of the
entire social system. This Burmese conflict invited the British East
India Company to Assam. The British declared a war against the Burmese
in 1825 and at the Treaty of Yandabo, 1826 the Burmese king surrendered
the claim over Assam. Thus, British took charge of lower Assam region
in 1828 and finally extended its territory to upper Assam region in
1838. Eventually, Assam for the first time became the part of British
India.
During the colonial regime different communities with their distinctive
heritage of language and culture came to Assam. They brought a lot
of Bengalis as teachers and for different administrative work. There
was further flow of Bengali people to Assam with the coming of Railway
in 1881. With the beginning of tea plantation, the Britishers recruited
tribesmen from Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Tamilnadu and
Uttar Pradesh – under a system of contract labourer. These migrants
were very much heterogeneous in terms of language and culture. At
present, they constitute an important social stratum in Assam (Bhagabati,
1992).
Another group of people who came to Assam during the British period
was the Nepalese who were engaged in army and as graziers. (Hussain,
1989:29). The Marwaris from Rajasthan also came to Assam during this
period as traders.
It was during the British period that the state of Assam was merged
with East Bengal in 1905. The province so formed was named as East
Bengal and Assam with its capital at Dacca. In 1911 the pre-merger
position was restored and Shillong again became the capital of Assam.
During 1905 and 1911 people from East Bengal districts (mostly Muslim
population of the lower strata) migrated to Assam quite confidently.
No one could question their legal status as it was the inter district
migration (De, 2005: 13-14). Since then Assam is receiving flow of
migrants from the East Bengal districts (now Bangladesh). Thus, people
of diverse ethnic and cultural affiliations migrated to Assam during
the British period.
Some of the migrant populations got fully assimilated with the local
inhabitants while others tried to preserve their own identity and
still others tried to impose their own language and culture on the
local people. To quote Goswami, 1993:
“I perceive it to be a strong force in generating a vital but cohesive
strength for assimilation, identification and final merger with the
dominant linguistic group. It emerged and became identifiable under
the dominant Ahom rulers, who, significantly, instead of imposing
their tongue of culture on their subjects, adopted the language and
culture of the local inhabitants, viz., the collective group of Assamese
speaking inhabitants. This is an exemplary instance of voluntary assimilation
with the socio-cultural aspirations of the majority groups of the
subject population. The tribal principalities of the Bodo, the Chutia,
the Barahi, the Asura, the Koch etc., likewise voluntarily assimilated
themselves with their subject population. Relation between the rulers
and the ruled, between the protector and the protected became so merged
that their interests got identified into one. This spontaneous identification
led to the emergence of the nationality which embraces numerous ethnocultural
groups, some of whom lost their ancestral identity altogether. In
this context, it is worthwhile to state that a liberal attitude and
all embracing policy of the great religious preacher, Shri Sankardev
and other Vaisnavite socioritual reformers played no mean part in
assimilating and absorbing the tribal groups into the fold of the
Satra System of Assam. The neophyte entrants attracted and encouraged
their cognate groups to follow their suit overwhelmingly accepting
the neo-Vaishnavism which preached and practiced equality for all
the disciples irrespective of caste or class. It suited the tribal
groups which could as well retain their essential cultural traditions
including animistic faith. Shri Sankardev’s religious preachings had
a universal appeal in as much as neo-Vaishnavism emphasized upon equality
of all human beings. At the same time the sacerdotal complexities
in rituals were studiously avoided to suit the tribal psychology.
What is more, his teachings through local language reached the masses
without an intermediary exploitative priestly group”. (Goswami, 1992).
The state, therefore, can be called a melting pot where people of
cultures of diverse origin coexisted, commingled and lived cheek by
jowl. However, due to long pervading perception of deprivation on
the part of the mainland population, the state has experienced intercommunity
distrust in the post independence period resulting in intermittent
clashes and violent situations. While the long standing issues pertaining
to interethnic divide are being attended to in varying degrees through
political intervention, not much attention is being paid to the fragile
relation of mainland people of Assam with the communities from other
parts of the country who have settled here over a long period of time
and others who frequent this land for varying interests-occupational
and commercial.
The last couple of decades have witnessed sustained violence by extremist
groups against the Indian nationals all over the state of Assam. While
the people of Assam have unequivocally condemned the secessionist
advocacy by the violent groups, opinion leaders and the media tend
to reflect a pattern of deep frustration of the people of Assam for
not receiving their due despite providing tremendous amount of natural
resources to the country. While the communities from the rest of the
country like the Marwari, Bengali, Bihari and other North Indian and
South Indian populations are contributing their own ways for the betterment
of the economy of the state, there seems to be a perception of not
enough being done by these communities for the interest of the state.
In turn, there appears to be a perception on the part of other communities
about the mainland Assamese being chauvinistic and unkind towards
them.
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